She does not ask whether the very extensive American involvement in China, which she documented, was well directed, or whether China went the way she did partly because the Americans were there. But he did not know that he was also used by Mao's faction against its opponents both in China and Moscow. Shippe, also unaware, was supporting the Comintern's line.
Above all, there is a need for a comprehensive framework for our analysis which is not marred by partisan or international differences.
Such a framework should transcend the conventional political divisions that existed in China at the time without losing sight of their contours. In this study the revolution in China will be viewed as a conflict between its cities and the countryside. Let us first review the major issues raised by the Maoist Party history and by some of the existing Western works. In the Party's history, the period between and is called the period of "the war of resistance against Japan" and is distinguished from the revolutionary civil wars which preceded and followed it. There is agreement among all concerned that the CCP's resurgence as a power had to do with Japanese imperialism and the war of resistance in which the CCP took part.
Both contemporaneously and after the fact, the CCP has been reluctant to stress the revolutionary aspect of this war for itself. Only the Kuomintang side makes the charge that the Communists were engaged in an attempt to overthrow the government while China was under foreign invasion. The gist of the CCP's own view is that its strenuous and unstinting efforts in the resistance induced the Chinese nation to switch its allegiance to itself. Yet Mao Tse-tung states that there was an anti-feudal aspect to the CCP's war efforts in addition to the anti-imperialist aspect.
That is, what was the relationship between the anti-imperialist, nationalistic aspect of the war and the anti-feudal, revolutionary, class character of the war? All the important questions that can be raised about the war revolve around this issue. It was Mao's idea that the war of resistance was a "peasant war,"  and that it was fought by "encircling the cities from the countryside. There is, however, a universal agreement that the Chinese Communist movement was a peasant movement. The pioneering work which established this notion and linked it with the person of Mao was Benjamin Schwartz's.
The Maoist strategy, according to him, contained the following components: 1 the existence of a strong peasant mass base; 2 the existence of a strong Leninist party; 3 the existence of a strong Red. Doak Barnett, ed. Army; 4 the control of a strategically located territorial base; and 5 the self-sufficiency of the base. According to it, the CCP in Kiangsi was beset by two mistaken leaders, both " 'Left' opportunist" in character, who, from time to time, prevented the Party from acting on the correct rural strategy advocated by Mao.
The Communists' inability to withstand the Kuomintang's encirclement campaign in is attributed to the errors of the anti-Maoists. If not, that is, if the CCP was fully practicing the rural revolutionary line after , what does its defeat in imply for Mao or "Maoism"? In fact, did not the CCP radically alter its policy shortly after the Tsunyi Conference rather than continue to adhere to the policy of "peasant war"?
It is common knowledge that in the CCP had publicly promised to discard its policies of the civil war period in favor of the united front with the Kuomintang against Japanese imperialism. The importance of Chalmers Johnson's controversial work, now fully a decade old, lies in its recognition that the Chinese Communist movement was defeated in Kiangsi in and that this defeat had something to do with its shift in orientation in and Therefore, Johnson sought to explain the subsequent rise of Communist power in terms of factors which were absent in Kiangsi.
Richard C. Thornton has successfully challenged Schwartz with respect to the origin of "Maoism" but agrees with him that the CCP's line of the Sixth Congress remained valid during the war against Japan and the civil war that followed it. The importance of this comparative method can hardly be overstressed.
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My book amounts to another exercise in this method. Thus the united front between the Communists and the Kuomintang is virtually ignored. This trend continues to date. One can go on enumerating the instances of ambiguity and ambivalence—toward the resistance and the revolution—in the CCP's own account and in Western works which reflect it. It is apparent that clarity in the relationship between the resistance and the revolution is the key to understanding the CCP's victory. The paradigm of Chinese revolution must therefore include both the forces of anti-imperialist nationalism and of domestic class warfare.
My paradigm is an elaboration of Mao Tse-tung's favorite and apt characterization of China as a "semi-feudal" and "semi-colonial" country. This is an adaptation of a similar idea from Sun Yat-sen. Mao used the appellation "semi-colonial" to distinguish China from India, which he felt was entirely "colonial" under direct British rule. The terms "semi-colonial" and "semi-feudal"—or literally "half-colonial" and "half-feudal"—therefore have clear geographical denotation. A "half-colonial" and "half-feudal" country meant one in which one part was under colonial rule and the other under feudal rule.
Neither Sun nor Mao spelled out what the obverse sides of the two parts were. But Mao's use of the concepts suggests plainly that the "colonial" half of China was modern in the bourgeois—democratic sense, while the "feudal" half was entirely "non-colonial," that is, independent of direct foreign rule. The distinction between two halves of China, therefore, is identical with the boundary that separated China's cities from the countryside.
The proposed paradigm charts the entire universe within which the Chinese revolution took place. It consists of several pairs of polarized categories which characterize the division between the cities and the countryside.
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The categories on each side are interrelated among themselves. See Richard C. The only exception to this trend has been Lyman P. The paradigm is intended to bridge a hiatus which exists in our understanding of the Chinese revolution. The hiatus is in the conceptualization of the revolution as consisting of two distinct stages, urban and rural. The term revolution is generally used rather inclusively to refer to political and social changes that have taken place in China since at least as early as the Republican Revolution of and up to contemporary times.
The revolution thus covers a period of sixty years, a very long span of time. During the first thirty years or so, the social and political ferment was confined almost exclusively to China's treaty ports and other urban areas.
The major protagonists were inhabitants of the cities. They included the traditional elites, their modern successors, the returned students, and the national bourgeoisie. Beside living in the cities, they were all literate. By virtue of their education, they took it upon themselves to act as natural leaders. A galaxy of figures of all political hues and ideologies vied with each other to effect changes in modern China.
The founders of the Communist movement were all of urban extraction. During those first years of the revolution, the rural areas were virtually untouched by such ferment.
The countryside was inert and immobile. Those who try to see modern ferment in the countryside during or prior to this period can do so only in areas contiguous to the cities. Kuhn for this manner of defining the tradition in the rural areas. The revolution is thought to have turned away from the cities to the rural areas after the split between the Kuomintang and the CCP in Then the cities are thought to have become an arena of counter-revolution. This is a misconception of the nature of the "National Revolution" of which Sun Yat-sen was the symbol.
The force which animated it was nationalism; it was truly revolutionary against imperialism. The Kuomintang began to grow when it had successfully harnessed this force to its fortune. Insofar as a political movement could succeed in China's urban areas, it had to take this factor into account. The May Fourth Movement and the early Communist movement were no exceptions.
Revolution in a Chinese Village: Ten Mile Inn
Only secondarily did the leaders and the constituency of urban nationalism concern themselves with economic and social conditions of the rural areas. And the urban middle class, with strong blood ties to rural elites, placed a limit on the method of rural reform; violent insurrection was abhorred. The split of did not remove the impulse of "National Revolution" from the Kuomintang.
The coup was as much an expression of Chinese nationalism directed at Russian imperialism as it was an expression of the vested interests of the landlord class. The coup had an unfortunate effect in forcing the Communists to launch radical social reform in opposition to the Kuomintang.
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The latter was in turn compelled to give priority to destruction of Communist insurrection, i. The schism superimposed an ideological division on the objective division between the town and the country, and the cities continued to lead and dominate the rural areas.
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The cities were linked with what Lin Piao called the "cities of the world," the source of inspiration for the May Fourth Movement. They grew in population; acquired a larger body of the middle class the national bourgeoisie , educated population the petty bourgeoisie , and the working class; enjoyed an ever-expanding network of communication; and thrived on commerce and industry.
These conditions conduced to a change in the political. It seems true enough that the Kuomintang went into a reaction after the experience of the first united front with the Communists. The reorganized Kuomintang always professed to be a dictatorship during the stage of tutelage. Mao's own view is that China was an "Asiatic" society and the Kuomintang a traditional dictatorship. See pp. The potential for spontaneous mobilization grew. The common denominator of political movement remained nationalism.
As Japanese imperialism emerged as the foremost enemy after the Mukden Incident, patriotic outbursts once again became the avocation of students and intellectuals; these outbursts were linked with economic interests of the national bourgeoisie against foreign competition. But the cities supported the Kuomintang's suppression of violent insurrections in the rural areas.
The Kuomintang government presided over this constituency and continued to grow so long as it met the mandate of nationalism.
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